History offers no guarantee that a wealthy country will remain wealthy, that a powerful government will govern wisely, or that today’s privileged citizens will never become tomorrow’s refugees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
For MMNN, however, this discussion deserves a broader historical perspective. Burma, now Myanmar, and the Malay world were connected through centuries of warfare, commerce, migration, intermarriage and cultural exchange. Their stories remind us that nations rise and fall, people move across borders, and prosperity is never the exclusive achievement of one race or religion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1. When Burma was a regional power<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Long before modern national boundaries were established, the Burmese kingdoms exercised considerable military and political influence over neighbouring territories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
During the sixteenth century, King Bayinnaung’s Toungoo Empire expanded into Siam and other parts of mainland Southeast Asia. In 1767, Burmese forces captured and destroyed the Siamese capital of Ayutthaya. These events demonstrate the extraordinary power Burmese rulers could exercise at particular moments in history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
However, historical accuracy matters. Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and the Malay Peninsula did not all belong to a single Burmese kingdom at the same time. Political control varied between periods of conquest, tributary relationships, alliances and independence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The northern Malay sultanates also had complicated relationships with Siam. Some sent the ceremonial bunga mas<\/em> (golden flowers) tribute to Siamese rulers. The balance of power changed over the centuries, particularly as Burmese, Siamese and British imperial interests competed in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These histories are not a reason for modern Burmese people to claim superiority over their neighbours. They are evidence that power is temporary and that today’s national map should not be projected backwards onto earlier centuries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yesterday’s regional power can become today’s struggling nation. Yesterday’s dependent territory can become tomorrow’s prosperous country.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Migration between the Malay Peninsula and Burma did not begin with the modern refugee crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For generations, sailors, traders, fishermen, workers and families moved across the Bay of Bengal, the Andaman Sea and the Straits of Malacca. Some moved voluntarily in search of livelihoods; others were displaced by warfare, colonial expansion and political upheaval.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Malay communities of southern Myanmar, known as Pashu<\/em>, are a particularly important part of this shared history. They have longstanding connections with the Malay world, including Kedah and the northern Malay Peninsula. Many have maintained Malay cultural traditions while becoming part of Myanmar’s social and national history.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Research on Myanmar’s Malay communities documents their distinctive language, customs, settlement patterns and links with Malaysia. The New Straits Times has also highlighted the little-known history of the Pashu community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Reference: Haider Kotwal, \u201cA history rarely told,\u201d New Straits Times<\/em>, 8 February 2018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The movement of people was never exclusively one-way. Burmese and other Myanmar communities also developed relationships with Malaya and Singapore through commerce, colonial administration, education and family connections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The region’s history includes Chinese migrants who passed through Penang and Singapore on their way to Burma, Indian merchants and professionals who worked in Rangoon, and communities whose identities evolved through generations of intermarriage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These connections are a reminder that Southeast Asia’s peoples cannot be understood through simplistic divisions between permanent insiders and outsiders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Second World War created one of the darkest chapters in the history of our region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Under Japanese occupation, civilians and prisoners of war were subjected to forced labour, brutal treatment, hunger, disease and death. The Burma\u2013Thailand Railway, commonly known as the Death Railway, was constructed under appalling conditions. Thousands of Allied prisoners of war and many tens of thousands of Asian labourers died during its construction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The railway also connects our histories through the movement of people across occupied Southeast Asia. Some workers were recruited or coerced from Malaya and other territories; others came from Burma and neighbouring regions. The circumstances differed, and not everyone who crossed these borders did so as a refugee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is important, therefore, not to describe every migrant or railway worker as having followed the same experience. Nevertheless, the war demonstrates how quickly ordinary people can lose their freedom, livelihoods and security when militarism and authoritarian power overwhelm human dignity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Former Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew also recounted his narrow escape from Japanese wartime violence. Singapore’s National Heritage Board records how he escaped a Japanese screening operation during the Sook Ching massacres, when large numbers of Chinese civilians were killed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n His documented experience is a powerful illustration of how an ordinary decision could have determined whether someone survived.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The specific story that Lee escaped a queue for recruitment to the Burma\u2013Thailand Railway should be checked against the relevant passage in his autobiography before publication; it should not be conflated with the separately documented Sook Ching incident.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The larger lesson remains: war can transform the fate of an individual, a family and an entire nation within a remarkably short time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Today, many people associate Myanmar with political repression, economic hardship, displacement and refugees. Yet this is not the whole story of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Before the Second World War, Rangoon\u2014now Yangon\u2014was a major commercial centre of British Burma. Burma was a leading rice exporter, and its economy was closely connected with international trade. The city had universities, hospitals, cinemas, bookshops, commercial districts, newspapers and communities from many parts of Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Rangoon University became an important intellectual and political institution. Its students and graduates included people who would shape Burma’s independence movement and public life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This was not a golden age for everyone. Colonial Burma was marked by serious inequalities, economic vulnerabilities and political grievances. Nevertheless, the country’s commercial importance and the opportunities available in Rangoon attracted merchants, professionals and migrants from far beyond its borders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n One striking example was the family behind Tiger Balm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The father of Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par, Aw Chu Kin, established a traditional medicine business in Rangoon after leaving China. His sons subsequently developed the family business into a major regional enterprise.<\/p>\n\n\n\n According to the company’s historical account, the business grew from its Rangoon origins before Aw Boon Haw moved to Singapore in 1926 to expand operations. Tiger Balm eventually became a widely recognised international brand.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The story is significant because it shows how Burma once offered opportunities for migrants to establish businesses, build wealth and contribute to the wider region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Reference: National Library Board Singapore, \u201cAw Boon Haw\u201d; Tiger Balm, \u201cHeritage.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n The story of the Aw family is particularly relevant to the relationship between Burma, Malaya and Singapore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Aw Chu Kin came from Fujian, China, and established his traditional medicine practice in Rangoon. His sons, Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par, inherited and developed the family business, building on the original medicinal preparations and expanding their marketing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The success of Tiger Balm was not simply a matter of discovering a formula. It involved entrepreneurship, branding, advertising, distribution and the brothers’ ability to understand different markets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Aw Boon Haw became a prominent philanthropist and newspaper publisher. His newspaper enterprises extended across several Asian markets, helping to create a regional network of publications and commercial influence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The family’s history also reflects a changing regional economy: a business established in Burma could grow through Singapore and Malaya and reach customers across Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It is tempting to describe old Rangoon as a paradise compared with every other city in the region. Personal recollections of hardship in China and the attraction of Rangoon are valuable historical testimony, but particular descriptions of Singapore and Penang as muddy, dusty or socially troubled should be attributed to the individual memoir in which they appear, rather than treated as objective assessments of both cities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The central fact is already remarkable enough: Rangoon was once a destination of opportunity for people who hoped to escape poverty and build a better life.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The city’s later decline reminds us that economic success is not permanent and that commercial achievements alone cannot protect a country from disastrous political decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Singapore’s history also preserves traces of its connections with Burma.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Indian Heritage Centre documents a group of Burmese-derived place names in Singapore, including Ava, Bassein, Bhamo, Irrawaddy, Mandalay, Martaban, Pegu, Prome and Shan. Rangoon Road, Mergui Road and Moulmein Road are further reminders of these connections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These names are more than curiosities. They reflect the historical presence of communities, commercial relationships and the memory of places across the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n However, the existence of Burmese street names does not, by itself, establish that Singapore’s city plan was copied from Rangoon. Singapore developed through its own planning history, including British colonial administration, trade and the work of its urban planners.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The more defensible point is that the cities were part of a connected regional world. Their histories overlapped through people, businesses, trade and culture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Reference: Indian Heritage Centre, \u201cSign Of Times.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Another fascinating figure is Karim Ghani, a politician and publisher of Indian origin whose career connected Burma and Malaya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Before the Second World War, Ghani served in Burma’s legislature and worked under Dr Ba Maw’s political leadership. During the Japanese occupation, he became involved with Subhas Chandra Bose’s Provisional Government of Free India, also known as Azad Hind.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ghani was also active in journalism. His work included the Tamil-language newspaper Malaya Nanban<\/em> and the Malay-language publication Sinaran<\/em>. He was involved in Muslim organisations and political networks in Malaya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n His career demonstrates that political ideas, journalism and Muslim public life crossed colonial boundaries. Burma was not an isolated corner of Asia; it was connected to debates about independence, nationalism, religion and the future of the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n His later involvement in the political circumstances surrounding the 1950 Maria Hertogh riots in Singapore also reminds us that intercommunal politics can become dangerous when identity and political mobilisation inflame tensions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Karim Ghani’s life should be studied as a complex historical story, not reduced to a simple celebration or condemnation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Reference: Christopher Riches, A Dictionary of Political Biography<\/em> (2013); \u201cKarim Ghani,\u201d biographical accounts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The decline of Burma cannot be explained by a single event or one individual.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Second World War devastated infrastructure and economic life. Post-independence governments faced armed conflict, political instability and difficult development choices. General Ne Win’s 1962 coup ushered in decades of military rule. The \u201cBurmese Way to Socialism,\u201d extensive nationalisation, isolation and restrictive economic policies damaged private enterprise and weakened the country’s international connections.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Burma’s decline was not inevitable, nor should the suffering of its people be blamed on an entire ethnicity or religion. It resulted from historical circumstances, institutional weaknesses, conflict and political decisions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This distinction matters. A nation is not its government. A people should not be condemned for the failures of those who rule them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Myanmar’s experience is a warning about what can happen when power becomes concentrated, independent institutions are weakened, economic policy is mishandled and citizens are denied meaningful opportunities to hold their leaders accountable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n SC Shekar also points to the Philippines, which had a relatively strong economic position in parts of the post-war period but later suffered under corruption, cronyism, inequality and political instability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Marcos era is frequently discussed in relation to the concentration of wealth and power, debt, human-rights abuses and institutional damage. Yet the Philippines’ economic history is complex, and its subsequent development cannot be reduced to one president or one explanation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The broader lesson is that natural resources, a skilled population, established institutions and a favourable international position do not guarantee lasting prosperity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Countries need accountable government, sound institutions, economic opportunity and the rule of law. Without them, wealth can be squandered and public confidence can erode.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Malaysia has significant advantages: a strategic location, natural resources, a diversified economy, an educated population and longstanding commercial links with the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n But advantages are not guarantees.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal illustrates the importance of accountability. In June 2024, the United States Department of Justice reported that more than US$4.5 billion had been misappropriated from 1MDB through an international money-laundering and embezzlement scheme, according to its court filings. The Department also announced that approximately US$1.4 billion had been repatriated to Malaysia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n These are documented figures, not merely political rhetoric. They demonstrate the scale of the alleged wrongdoing and the importance of effective safeguards over public funds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Reference: US Department of Justice, \u201cJustice Department Repatriates $1.4B Misappropriated 1MDB Funds to Malaysia,\u201d 13 June 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Malaysia’s future depends on much more than its natural resources or its current economic position. It depends on public institutions, transparent procurement, competent administration, environmental stewardship, fair opportunities and the ability of citizens to question those in power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Criticism should be evidence-based and fair. It should not become an excuse for racial hostility, partisan revenge or sweeping accusations against whole communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The objective is not to humiliate Malaysia. It is to protect its future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n When Myanmar nationals work in Malaysian factories, restaurants, construction sites or homes, their presence should not be treated as evidence of personal inferiority.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Many have fled conflict, persecution, insecurity or the collapse of their livelihoods. Others have migrated for employment. Their circumstances differ, but all deserve to be treated with dignity and under the protections of applicable law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Likewise, Filipino workers and other migrants contribute skills, labour and care to economies throughout the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n A person may be a doctor, teacher, business owner or student in one country and a manual worker in another. Circumstances can force people to accept work far below their qualifications. That does not erase their education, abilities or human worth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The reverse is also true: a Malaysian working abroad is not less deserving of respect because of the work they do.<\/p>\n\n\n\n There is no shame in honest labour. There is shame in exploiting vulnerable people, withholding lawful entitlements, subjecting workers to abuse or treating poverty as proof of inferior character.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We should remember that a refugee’s story is not simply a story of loss. It can also be a story of courage, resilience and the hope of rebuilding a life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The most important question is not whether Malaysia will become another Myanmar. History never repeats itself in precisely the same way, and the two countries have different institutions, economies and circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The question is whether Malaysia will learn from the warning signs that have damaged other nations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Will public wealth be protected? Will corruption be investigated fairly? Will institutions remain strong? Will natural resources be managed responsibly? Will citizens be judged by their conduct and abilities rather than their race or religion?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Will the country invest in education, healthcare, productive industries and the future of its young people?<\/p>\n\n\n\n These are the questions that matter.<\/p>\n\n\n\n A nation does not become resilient simply because its citizens believe it is exceptional. It becomes resilient when its people are willing to confront their weaknesses, correct their mistakes and demand better from those entrusted with power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Myanmar, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines share a regional history of migration, commerce, hardship and recovery. Their peoples have crossed borders for centuries, sometimes in search of opportunity and sometimes to escape dangers they did not create.<\/p>\n\n\n\n No nation has a permanent monopoly on prosperity. No race owns intelligence, dignity or the capacity to contribute. No government is entitled to public trust merely because it holds power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For Myanmar, the lesson is equally important: we must not use our past achievements to deny our present failures, nor allow present suffering to erase the contributions of generations who built our communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For Malaysia, the lesson is to safeguard the prosperity that its people have worked to create.<\/p>\n\n\n\n For all our countries, the lesson is that national strength depends on justice, integrity, peace, competent government and respect for human dignity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The people we look down upon today are not necessarily the people we will remain above tomorrow. They are our neighbours, our fellow human beings and, in many cases, partners in a shared regional history.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Let history teach us humility before circumstances teach us a harsher lesson.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Let us build nations in which wealth serves the public, institutions protect the vulnerable, and no person is treated as inferior because of nationality, ethnicity, religion or economic circumstances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n That is not merely a warning about decline. It is a call to build a better future\u2014for Myanmar, Malaysia and the whole of Southeast Asia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n No Nation Is Immune to Migration and Economic Uncertainty<\/p>\n\n\n\n Malaysia’s own experience also reminds us that migration is not a one-way story. Malaysians have moved overseas for employment, education, family reunification and better economic opportunities. Some have settled permanently and relinquished their Malaysian citizenship; others have encountered difficulties with immigration status or work authorisation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n According to figures reported by New Straits Times in January 2026, 61,116 Malaysians relinquished their citizenship over approximately five years. The overwhelming majority of these cases involved Singapore, demonstrating the importance of employment opportunities, family circumstances and regional economic differences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n We should not confuse lawful migration with undocumented work, nor assume that everyone who relinquishes citizenship is fleeing a failing country. People make these decisions for many different reasons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nevertheless, the wider lesson is clear: migration, like prosperity, is not the exclusive experience of any one nation. Countries throughout Southeast Asia have both sent workers overseas and received migrants seeking safety, employment and a better future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n This is another reason to treat migrant workers and refugees with dignity. Their circumstances do not make them inferior human beings, just as working abroad or changing citizenship does not automatically mean that someone has rejected their homeland. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Although there are rumours that I could not verify with a reliable official combined figure establishing that hundreds of thousands of Malaysians work illegally across the United States, Australia, the UK, the EU and Canada. The absence of a verified figure does not mean the problem does not exist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The context surrounding what is officially known regarding Malaysian irregular workers in these regions includes the following:<\/p>\n\n\n\n Known Data Points by Region<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Why Verified Figures Do Not Exist<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n As you noted, the absence of an official combined figure does not prove a problem does not exist; however, based on available immigration data from the named Western nations, the active scale of undocumented Malaysian laborers existed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n References:<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n 1. Burmese Malay communities and Pashu history: Haider Kotwal, \u201cA history rarely told,\u201d New Straits Times, 8 February 2018. Read the article<\/a>. It discusses the long-established Malay community in southern Myanmar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n New Straits Times<\/p>\n\n\n\n +1<\/p>\n\n\n\n 2. The Aw family and Tiger Balm: National Library Board Singapore, \u201cAw Boon Haw,\u201d and the company’s historical account. National Library Board<\/a>. These sources describe the Rangoon origins of the business and its expansion into Singapore and other markets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n National Library Reference Guides<\/p>\n\n\n\n +1<\/p>\n\n\n\n 3. Singapore’s Burmese street names: Indian Heritage Centre, \u201cSign Of Times.\u201d Read more<\/a>. This documents Burmese-derived street names and their historical context.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Sign Of Times<\/p>\n\n\n\n +1<\/p>\n\n\n\n 4. Karim Ghani: Christopher Riches, A Dictionary of Political Biography (2013), alongside the biographical overview of his political and publishing career. Read the overview<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Wikipedia<\/p>\n\n\n\n 5. Lee Kuan Yew’s wartime experience: Singapore’s National Heritage Board, \u201cIn Memoriam: Lee Kuan Yew 1923\u20132015.\u201d Read the account<\/a>. This supports the documented account of his escape from the Japanese Sook Ching screening operation, but does not establish the separate Death Railway queue story.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Roots<\/p>\n\n\n\n 6. Myanmar’s economic decline under military rule: The Library of Congress-hosted study Myanmar in Motion discusses the 1962 military takeover, nationalisation and economic isolation. Read the study<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Library of Congress Tile<\/p>\n\n\n\n2. Malaya and Burma: A history of migration in both directions<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
3. The Japanese occupation and the Burma\u2013Thailand Death Railway<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
4. Rangoon: A city that once attracted the ambitious<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
5. The Tiger Balm story: From hardship to regional success<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
6. Singapore’s Burmese connections\u2014and the importance of getting history right<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
7. Karim Ghani: A political and publishing link between Burma and Malaya<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
8. How did a country with so much potential fall behind?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
9. The Philippines offers another warning<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
10. Malaysia should learn from history, not feel superior to its neighbours<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
11. Refugees are human beings, not symbols of national failure<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
12. What kind of country will we leave to our children?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
A Call for Unity and Mutual Respect<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
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