{"id":6928,"date":"2026-07-16T09:22:29","date_gmt":"2026-07-16T09:22:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/?p=6928"},"modified":"2026-07-16T09:22:30","modified_gmt":"2026-07-16T09:22:30","slug":"analyzing-the-rakhine-public-strata-regarding-the-sittwe-jamae-mosque-issue-or-ko-moe-myint-a-rare-rakhine-who-is-a-true-journalist","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/2026\/07\/16\/analyzing-the-rakhine-public-strata-regarding-the-sittwe-jamae-mosque-issue-or-ko-moe-myint-a-rare-rakhine-who-is-a-true-journalist\/","title":{"rendered":"Analyzing the Rakhine Public Strata Regarding the Sittwe Jamae Mosque Issue, or Ko Moe Myint, a Rare Rakhine Who is a True Journalist"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Omar Muhktar MK<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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April 24, 2021<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These days, I have noticed a massive gap between Rakhine intellectuals and the general public, especially those influenced by the propaganda of Ma Ba Tha, Khin Nyunt, and Ne Win. I figured that bringing this up would lead to severe backlash and verbal attacks (as the saying goes, “offering a grand feast of criticisms” and “ready to fight or die without hesitation”). However, I took the risk and decided to write this anyway.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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It started when people began talking about the Jame Mosque in downtown Sittwe, which dates back more than a century to the early colonial era. Progressive segments of Rakhine society suggested that the Jame Mosque should be preserved as a cultural heritage site, but others reacted rudely, asking why they should do anything for it just because it is a mosque.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Jame Mosque has remarkable architecture, and the international community is interested in it as well. Since this is a sensitive religious issue, people have urged that careful attention be paid to it. Why is the international community interested? It began with the well-known 2012 ethno-religious conflicts between Rakhines and Muslims. During that period, dozens of Muslim buildings were demolished. Around 140,000 people were displaced and ended up in refugee camps. Rakhines also suffered losses. However, for the Rohingya, an entire community was forced out of their homes and into camps. It has now been 9 years [as of 2021]. Let’s get back to the main point regarding the mosque.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The sensitivity surrounding the mosque issue is not new. Even in 2017, during Colonel Htein Lin’s tenure, there were attempts to demolish more mosques under the pretext of them being “illegal buildings.” To show how dangerously sensitive this issue is, I myself narrowly escaped being killed in 2017. This happened in Cetipyin (Zay Di Pyin) Village, Rathedaung Township, Rakhine State.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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“Actually, I went there to investigate the killing of hundreds of Muslim villagers.”<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

To arrest just two people, thousands of villagers, including elders and children, blocked the village roads. I came to understand the eyes of the Rakhine public, burning with hatred, amid shouts of “Traitor!”<\/em>, “Parasite!”<\/em>, “Kill him!”<\/em>, and “You can get 500 lakhs [50 million kyats] for one photo!”<\/em> To this day, apart from the writer fees for my articles, I have never received a single penny from any organization for selling photos. Yet, this is not entirely their fault. It is connected to the propaganda they have been brainwashed with their whole lives. In particular, the henchmen of a wealthy contractor are deeply involved in these matters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Why did they hate us so much that they wanted to kill us?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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“The Cetipyin Mosque was one of the oldest mosques in Rakhine. By the time I arrived, not even a foundation wall remained on the ground. I took photos of this scene with my phone. There was a Rakhine Buddhist monastery right next to the mosque. I am actually ashamed to even say this, brother.”<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

That mosque had been completely demolished using the contractor’s bulldozer. Villagers took the leftover bricks to make (worthless) cooking stoves. After I took photos of these occurrences, a youth from the ANP party suddenly arrived (don’t try to deny it, I have proof and can show it with photos). Immediately after, he started inciting the entire village. I had to appeal to them not to beat us, to resolve it peacefully, and to hand us over to the Cetipyin police station if they believed we had committed a crime.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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“Then, a captain from Light Infantry Division 22, along with two soldiers armed with MA-1 rifles, arrived in the village. ‘You are trying to betray the state,’ the captain declared bluntly. I had to explain things very carefully.”<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Fortunately, the angry mob didn’t know that I was Moe Myint, then a reporter for The Irrawaddy<\/em>, whom they hated so much. They didn’t know because I gave evasive and clever answers. If they had known, I could have been killed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fortunately, I was sent to the police station. This was the result of me repeatedly begging, “Please take me to the station, please arrest me.”<\/em> I was actually so happy because I would be held inside the station’s lockup. After all, if I stayed on the street, I could have died instantly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I am sharing my personal experience just to illustrate how massive and sensitive this mosque issue is; this isn’t even the full detail. Now, when discussing the preservation of the Jame Mosque, the intellectual class explains it clearly by drawing examples from places like Indonesia or the Bandarban region in Bangladesh. When I say “intellectuals,” I don’t mean those with just basic domestic degrees. It includes those with master’s degrees and PhDs from international universities, some of whom are scholars dedicating themselves to historical research.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some rude individuals who call themselves writers complain, “Why don’t you write about how some Rakhine monasteries cannot be renovated or how they were burned down?”<\/em> I would like to tell them to search and read articles about who pocketed the hundreds of millions of kyats allocated by the government to preserve historical heritage in Mrauk-U, and what state the pagodas are actually in now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When considering why there is such strong resistance to the points raised by the intellectual class, besides the propaganda and brainwashing, I noticed another likely factor. I believe it is related to the weak sharing of public awareness between the intellectuals and the ordinary masses. In other words, while the awareness of the intellectual group fails to reach the public, the perspectives of ethno-religious extremist groups flow easily among the common people. Therefore, to end outdated thinking and feudal mindsets, it is essential for the messages of the intellectual class to flow down to the grassroots level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Those who are well-read and analytical can be seen breaking free from the influence of ideologies like Ma Ba Tha. However, judging from the comments received, the majority still remain trapped in it. To stop this and to make this a prosperous place filled with diverse, harmonious beauty, politicians and CSOs have a responsibility. Crucially, we must avoid using this issue for political gain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And this is not just one-sided; Muslims must do their part as well. Both sides need to move forward\u2014stop wasting time solely on re-reading old history and focus on the core essence of peaceful coexistence. Otherwise, if both sides keep going back to the eras of King Min Bar or Vesali, debating which king did what, it will never end. We will only remain trapped in a vicious cycle of mutual distrust instead of living together.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

REMARK:<\/strong> I have already anticipated that Muslims and others might ask why I am speaking out only after 4 years, and Rakhines might accuse me of seeking attention. It was due to my personal safety\u2014in other words, to ensure that the pen name “Moe Myint” would not disappear forever\u2014that I only dared to write this once I reached a safe place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2014 Moe Myint<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Md Rofiq<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

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*****************************************<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Firsthand accounts from journalists who witnessed the targeted destruction of heritage and religious buildings provide critical context for human rights documentation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, if you are looking at this from a legal standpoint regarding accountability and formal court proceedings, there are a few important factors to keep in mind regarding how this text operates as evidence:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

1. The Nature of the Post: First-Hand vs. Hearsay<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In international human rights law and courts like the International Court of Justice (ICJ) or the International Criminal Court (ICC), a social media post itself is generally treated as hearsay<\/strong> or digital documentation rather than direct forensic evidence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n