{"id":5463,"date":"2026-04-29T03:19:04","date_gmt":"2026-04-29T03:19:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/?p=5463"},"modified":"2026-04-29T03:19:05","modified_gmt":"2026-04-29T03:19:05","slug":"the-dangerous-gamble-of-playing-with-fire-myanmars-military-extremist-cyber-troops-and-the-dragons-response","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/2026\/04\/29\/the-dangerous-gamble-of-playing-with-fire-myanmars-military-extremist-cyber-troops-and-the-dragons-response\/","title":{"rendered":"The Dangerous Gamble of Playing With Fire: Myanmar’s Military, Extremist Cyber-Troops, and the Dragon’s Response"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Strategic Analysis \u2014 MMNN<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

History rarely announces itself before it repeats. Yet in Myanmar today, the conditions that triggered one of Southeast Asia’s most consequential geopolitical crises \u2014 the 1967 anti-Chinese riots and China’s subsequent military intervention through the Communist Party of Burma \u2014 are quietly reassembling themselves, with modern actors, modern weapons, and far higher stakes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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The question is not whether Myanmar’s military establishment understands this history. They do \u2014 intimately. The question is whether they are cynically prepared to exploit it anyway.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ma Ba Tha \u2014 the Association for the Protection of Race and Religion \u2014 is not simply a religious organisation. It functions, by considerable evidence, as a state-adjacent narrative weapon<\/strong>: deployable when needed, deniable when convenient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Its cyber-trooper network operates across Facebook \u2014 still the dominant information ecosystem in Myanmar \u2014 flooding timelines with content designed to redirect public anger. The template was perfected during the Rohingya crisis of 2011\u20132017, when a population’s legitimate grievances about poverty, corruption, and military misrule were successfully redirected toward a vulnerable Muslim minority. The international community called it a genocide. The military called it a security operation. Ma Ba Tha called it patriotism. And the Chinese called it “victory, mission accomplished’ as they finished construction of O&G Pipeline while locals were diverted with riots.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The pattern is now potentially being reloaded \u2014 this time with a new target: the Chinese migrant presence in Myanmar’s urban centres.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The logic, from the military’s perspective, is not irrational \u2014 it is simply reckless.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By allowing or quietly encouraging anti-Chinese sentiment to build \u2014 particularly in Yangon, where the wealth disparity between Chinese business owners and local residents is most visible and most visceral \u2014 the military achieves several objectives simultaneously.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, it redirects public fury<\/strong>. A population that is angry about checkpoints, land prices, lost livelihoods, and a collapsing currency is a population that might march toward Naypyidaw. A population angry at Chinese shopkeepers stays in its own neighbourhood.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, it manufactures nationalist credibility<\/strong>. The military has haemorrhaged legitimacy since the 2021 coup. Positioning itself as defender of Burmese identity against foreign economic encroachment \u2014 however hypocritically, given its own deep financial ties to Chinese investment \u2014 offers a crude but historically effective political lifeline.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Third, it tests Beijing’s tolerance<\/strong>. In the complex transactional relationship between Naypyidaw and Beijing, occasional low-level anti-Chinese sentiment may serve as a bargaining chip \u2014 a reminder that the military can either contain or release popular pressure, depending on how cooperative China chooses to be.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is a high-wire act performed over a volcano.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 1967 anti-Chinese riots in Rangoon provided Beijing with what was essentially a convenient pretext for intervention it had already been planning. On New Year’s Day 1968, heavily armed Communist Party of Burma units crossed from Yunnan Province into northeastern Burma, supplied by China with assault rifles, machine guns, rocket launchers, anti-aircraft guns, and military vehicles. Frontier Myanmar<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beijing bore primary responsibility for the 1967 crisis through its deliberate export of the Cultural Revolution into Burma’s Chinese communities \u2014 and it responded to the riots by openly intervening in Burma’s civil war, a posture that estranged Sino-Burmese relations throughout the following two decades. Mingalarrealestateconversation<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The crucial difference between 1967 and 2026 is this: China no longer needs to build a proxy from scratch. The infrastructure already exists \u2014 and it is formidable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Where Beijing in 1967 had to rebuild the CPB from near-collapse, today it holds a far stronger hand \u2014 multiple armed groups across Myanmar’s north and east, each with varying degrees of Chinese support, supply, and strategic alignment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

UWSA (United Wa State Army)<\/strong> \u2014 with an estimated 30,000 troops, modern weaponry, and direct Chinese supply lines \u2014 is effectively the most powerful non-state military force in Southeast Asia. It answers, ultimately, to no one in Naypyidaw.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

MNDAA (Kokang)<\/strong> \u2014 ethnically Chinese, Mandarin-speaking, and operating with Chinese construction crews and investors moving in behind its military advances \u2014 has already demonstrated in Lashio what Chinese-aligned territorial control looks like in practice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Northern Alliance<\/strong> \u2014 comprising MNDAA, TNLA, AA, and KIA \u2014 showed during Operation 1027 in 2023 that coordinated offensives can collapse military positions across vast territory in weeks, not months.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

AA (Arakan Army)<\/strong> in the west and PDF forces<\/strong> across the country add further dimensions to a military encirclement that, should Beijing choose to activate it fully, could move with devastating speed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As you correctly noted \u2014 if China gives the green light and provides full logistical support to the Northern Alliance, KIA, AA, and PDF simultaneously, Naypyidaw and Mandalay could fall within two weeks. That is not hyperbole. That is a sober reading of current force dispositions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yangon is where the tinderbox sits closest to the flame.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The visible wealth of Chinese-owned businesses \u2014 restaurants, KTV establishments, hotels, real estate portfolios along Inya Lake and People’s Park \u2014 against the backdrop of local families selling ancestral homes and retreating to small apartments in distant townships creates exactly the kind of raw, daily resentment that extremist networks can weaponise overnight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1967, it took only a dispute over Mao badges in a Rangoon school to trigger riots that killed dozens, destroyed hundreds of businesses, and ultimately brought Chinese military forces to Myanmar’s border. Voice of America<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2026, the triggers are everywhere \u2014 and social media means they no longer need a physical flashpoint. A single viral video, a fabricated incident, a coordinated Ma Ba Tha campaign across Facebook, and Yangon’s streets could ignite within hours.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The military knows this. That, arguably, is precisely the point.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It must be stated plainly: the vast majority of ethnic Chinese residents in Myanmar \u2014 many of them families who have lived here for three and four generations, who speak Burmese, who built businesses, raised children, and buried parents in Myanmar soil \u2014 bear no responsibility for Beijing’s geopolitical ambitions or for the wave of new economic migrants reshaping Mandalay and Yangon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anti-Chinese riots would not punish the Chinese Communist Party. They would burn the homes and livelihoods of people who are, in the most meaningful sense, also Myanmar’s own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The military’s cynicism lies precisely here: it would sacrifice innocent lives \u2014 both local and Chinese \u2014 on the altar of its own survival calculus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The legitimate grievance is real. Land appropriation, economic displacement, proxy governance through Chinese-aligned armed groups, and the erosion of Myanmar’s urban identity are serious, documentable, urgent problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the response to those grievances must be political, journalistic, diplomatic, and legal \u2014 not communal and violent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Myanmar’s people are caught between a military that may cynically manufacture ethnic hatred for survival, and a superpower neighbour that has demonstrated, repeatedly and decisively, that it will respond to threats against its citizens and interests with overwhelming force.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The space between those two dangers is narrow. Navigating it requires exactly what the military fears most: an informed, morally grounded, internationally connected civil society that names the problem clearly \u2014 without burning anyone’s house down.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That is the work. And it begins with pieces exactly like the ones being published at MMNN.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Strategic Analysis \u2014 Myanmar Muslim News Network<\/em> For republication with attribution<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read also:<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1\/1967 anti-Chinese riots in Burma<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Myat Maw <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u101b\u1014\u103a\u1000\u102f\u1014\u103a \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u101e\u1010\u102d\u1011\u102c\u1038\u200b\u1014\u1031\u101b\u200b\u1010\u1031\u102c\u1037\u1019\u100a\u103a\u104b <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u1006\u1014\u1037\u103a\u1000\u103b\u1004\u103a\u200b\u101b\u1031\u1038\u1000\u102d\u102f \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1019\u103e\u102c \u101c\u102f\u1015\u103a\u101b\u1004\u103a \u101e\u102d\u1014\u103a\u1038\u1005\u102d\u1014\u103a\u1010\u1000\u103a\u1001\u102b\u1005 \u1000 \u101c\u102f\u1015\u103a\u1010\u1032\u1037 \u101b\u102d\u102f\u101f\u1004\u103a\u1002\u103b\u102c \u1006\u1014\u1037\u103a\u1000\u103b\u1004\u103a\u200b\u101b\u1031\u1038\u101c\u102d\u102f AA \u1000 \u101b\u1001\u102d\u102f\u1004\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c \u1005\u102c\u1038\u101e\u103d\u102c\u1038\u101e\u101c\u102d\u102f \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1019\u103e\u102c SSPP \u1000 \u1005\u102c\u1038\u101e\u103d\u102c\u1038\u1019\u101a\u103a\u104b \u1012\u102b\u200b\u1000\u103c\u1031\u102c\u1004\u1037\u103a \u1005\u1005\u103a\u1010\u1015\u103a\u1000 \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1015\u103c\u100a\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u1006\u1014\u1037\u103a\u1000\u103b\u1004\u103a\u200b\u101b\u1031\u1038\u101c\u102f\u1015\u103a\u101b\u1032\u1019\u101a\u103a\u1019\u1011\u1004\u103a\u1018\u1030\u1038\u104b \u200b\u1014\u1031\u102c\u1000\u103a\u1000 \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1000 \u1019\u102f\u1014\u103a\u1038\u1010\u102c \u1015\u1021\u102d\u102f\u1037\u1016\u103c\u1005\u103a\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104b \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u1019\u101f\u102f\u1010\u103a\u1018\u1030\u1038\u1016\u103c\u1005\u103a\u200b\u1014\u1031\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104b \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u1001\u103d\u1014\u103a\u1010\u102c\u200b \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1015\u103c\u100a\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1005\u1000\u102c\u1038\u200b\u1015\u103c\u1031\u102c\u1015\u103c\u102e\u1038 \u200b\u1010\u1031\u102c\u103a\u101c\u103e\u1014\u103a\u200b\u101b\u1031\u1038\u101c\u102f\u1015\u103a\u1001\u1032\u1037\u1010\u102c\u200b\u1010\u1031\u102c\u1004\u103a \u200b\u1021\u1031\u102c\u1004\u103a\u1019\u103c\u1004\u103a\u1010\u102c\u1016\u103c\u1005\u103a\u104d \u101b\u103e\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1015\u103c\u100a\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u1006\u1014\u1037\u103a\u1000\u103b\u1004\u103a\u200b\u101b\u1031\u1038\u1000 \u1001\u1000\u103a\u1015\u102b\u1019\u101a\u103a\u104b <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u1012\u102b\u200b\u1000\u103c\u1031\u102c\u1004\u1037\u103a \u1010\u101b\u1030\u1010\u103a\u1006\u1014\u1037\u103a\u1000\u103b\u1004\u103a\u200b\u101b\u1031\u1038\u101f\u102c \u1041\u1049\u1046\u1047 \u1019\u103e\u102c \u1010\u102f\u1036\u1038\u1000\u101c\u102d\u102f \u101b\u1014\u103a\u1000\u102f\u1014\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c\u101c\u102c\u1016\u102d\u102f\u1037\u101e\u102c \u1015\u102d\u102f\u104d \u200b\u101e\u1031\u1001\u103b\u102c\u1015\u102b\u101c\u102d\u1019\u1037\u103a\u1019\u101a\u103a\u104b \u101b\u1014\u103a\u1000\u102f\u1014\u103a \u1019\u103e\u102c \u1000 \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u1018\u101a\u103a\u101c\u102d\u102f\u1001\u103b\u1019\u103a\u1038\u101e\u102c\u101e\u101c\u1032 \u1006\u102d\u102f\u1010\u102c \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u101e\u1030\u200b\u100c\u1031\u1038\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u1015\u102d\u102f\u1004\u103a\u1010\u1032\u1037 \u101c\u102f\u1015\u103a\u1004\u1014\u103a\u1038\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u104a \u1005\u102c\u1038\u200b\u101e\u1031\u102c\u1000\u103a\u1006\u102d\u102f\u1004\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u104a KTV\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u104a \u200b\u101f\u1031\u102c\u103a\u1010\u101a\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u1000 \u1021\u1005 \u1021\u1019\u103b\u102c\u1038\u1000\u103c\u102e\u1038\u1015\u102b\u104b \u1021\u1004\u103a\u1038\u101a\u102c\u1038\u1000\u1014\u103a\u200b\u1018\u1031\u102c\u1004\u103a\u104a \u1015\u103c\u100a\u103a\u101e\u1030\u1037\u101b\u1004\u103a\u1015\u103c\u1004\u103a \u1005\u1010\u1032\u1037 \u101c\u1019\u103a\u1038\u200b\u101c\u103b\u1031\u102c\u1000\u102d\u1010\u1032\u1037\u200b\u1014\u1031\u101b\u102c\u1019\u103e\u102c \u101b\u102f\u1015\u103a\u1019\u1010\u1030\u1010\u1032\u1037\u101c\u1030\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u1021\u1019\u103b\u102c\u1038\u1000\u103c\u102e\u1038\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u1037\u101b\u1015\u102b\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104b \u1026\u1038\u1014\u102f \u101c\u1000\u103a\u1011\u1000\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c \u1001\u102d\u102f\u1038\u101d\u1004\u103a\u101c\u102c\u1015\u103c\u102e\u1038 \u1041\u1049\u1046\u1042 \u200b\u1014\u1031\u102c\u1000\u103a\u1015\u102d\u102f\u1004\u103a\u1038 \u101c\u101d\u1000 \u1019\u103e\u102c \u200b\u1004\u103d\u1031\u200b\u1015\u1031\u1038\u104d \u1014\u102d\u102f\u1004\u103a\u1004\u1036\u101e\u102c\u1038 \u101e\u102d\u102f\u1037\u1019\u101f\u102f\u1010\u103a \u1021\u1005\u102d\u1019\u103a\u1038\u1000\u1012\u103a\u1005\u101e\u100a\u103a\u1016\u103c\u1004\u1037\u103a \u200b\u1019\u103c\u1031\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u101c\u101a\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u101d\u101a\u103a\u1015\u103c\u102e\u1038 \u101b\u103d\u102c\u1021\u1030\u1015\u103a\u1000\u103c\u102e\u1038\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u1014\u103e\u1004\u1037\u103a \u1000\u1005\u102c\u1038\u200b\u1014\u1031\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104b \u200b\u1019\u103c\u1031\u102c\u1000\u103a\u1012\u1002\u102f\u1036\u1019\u103e\u102c \u1006\u102d\u102f \u1021\u1006\u102d\u102f\u1038\u1006\u102f\u1036\u1038\u1016\u103c\u1005\u103a\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104b \u101b\u1014\u103a\u1000\u102f\u1014\u103a\u101e\u102c\u1038\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u1000 \u1021\u102d\u1019\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u200b\u101b\u1031\u102c\u1004\u103a\u1038\u1015\u103c\u102e\u1038 \u1019\u103c\u102d\u102f\u1037\u1005\u103d\u1014\u103a\u1012\u102b\u1019\u103e\u1019\u101f\u102f\u1010\u103a \u1010\u102d\u102f\u1000\u103a\u1001\u1014\u103a\u1038\u1021\u200b\u101e\u1031\u1038\u200b\u101c\u1031\u1038\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031\u1014\u103e\u1004\u1037\u103a\u200b\u1014\u1031\u200b\u1014\u1031\u101b\u1010\u102c\u1015\u102b\u104b \u1012\u102b\u200b\u1000\u103c\u1031\u102c\u1004\u1037\u103a \u1010\u101b\u102f\u1010\u103a\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u1001\u103b\u1019\u103a\u1038\u101e\u102c\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104a \u200b\u1012\u1031\u101e\u1001\u1036\u200b\u1010\u103d\u1031 \u1006\u1004\u103a\u1038\u101b\u1032\u1010\u101a\u103a \u1006\u102d\u102f\u1010\u1032\u1037 \u1000\u103d\u102c\u101f \u1001\u103b\u1000\u103a\u101f\u102c \u101b\u1014\u103a\u1000\u102f\u1014\u103a\u1019\u103e\u102c\u101e\u102c \u1019\u103c\u1004\u103a\u1014\u102d\u102f\u1004\u103a\u1015\u102b\u1010\u101a\u103a\u104b <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The Day Anti-Chinese Riots Erupted in Myanmar<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rioting (26 June 1967)<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Chinese students in Burma were defying the Burmese government’s instruction to not wear badges depicting Mao Zedong<\/a> with support of the Chinese embassy in Rangoon<\/a>.[2]<\/a><\/sup> On 22 June 1967, discord occurred between students and teachers at the Rangoon Number 3 National Elementary School (the former Chinese Girls’ Middle school). A similar dispute took place at the nearby Zhong Zheng Middle school and continued until the police intervened.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was alleged that on 22 June 1967, Yu Min-Sheng, a correspondent of the Xinhua News Agency<\/a> and Red Guards<\/a> from the embassy were distributing Chairman Mao badges<\/a> and “Little Red Book”<\/a> to Chinese students.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 26 June 1967, Burmese citizens attacked the Overseas Chinese Middle school, Chinese Teachers\u2019 League, the Irrawaddy River glee club, the Chinese Clerks\u2019 Association, the Chinese embassy and associated communities. At the embassy, stones and tiles were thrown and the Chinese national emblem was stolen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 27 June 1967, Burmese rioters attacked the Xinhua New Agency offices, the Chinese Civil Aviation Administration, and the office of the Economic and Commercial Counsellor. The Burmese government ordered the closure of nine Chinese schools.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 28 June 1967, riots at the embassy resulted in the death of Liu Yi, a Chinese aid technician and the injury of several diplomats. Chinese owned entities such as beauty parlors, cinemas, shops, and restaurants were burned or trashed. Thirty-one Chinese were dead and others were injured or arrested.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On 29 June 1967, the Burmese government initiated martial law<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

China’s response<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

On 28 June 1967, the Chinese vice foreign minister, Han Nianlong<\/a> delivered a letter of protest to Burma’s ambassador to China. The contents were published the next day in the People’s Daily<\/a>. On 29 June 1967, Xiao-Ming, the Chinese Charg\u00e9 d’affaires<\/a> in Rangoon demanded the Burmese government punish the rioters, recompense the families of the victims, make a public apology, and ensure the safety of embassy staff and Chinese citizens in Burma. On the same day, 200,000 people rallied outside the Burmese embassy in Beijing. Red Guards removed the Burmese flag and national emblem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Between August and October 1967, China pressured Burma with accusations and threats through direct communication and through the newspaper and radio. Between June 1967 and November 1970, the Chinese media praised the actions of the Burmese communist party. In 1968, Zhou Enlai assumed control of the Chinese foreign ministry. At a memorial rally for Liu Yi, the vice-chairman of the central committee of Burma Communist Party called for the removal of Ne Win’s government. This news appeared in the People’s Daily and the Red Flag<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Travel between Burma and China was restricted. China accused Burmese delegates of spying. No high level Chinese officials visited Burma for three years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sequelae<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The immediate victims of the riots were the Chinese community in Burma<\/a>. Their lives were threatened and their property destroyed. Many were disappointed that China had not done more to protect them. Tens of thousands fled to China, while 30,000 to 40,000 resettled in Hong Kong<\/a> and Macao<\/a>, and additional numbers resettled in Taiwan<\/a>, Malaysia<\/a>, Singapore<\/a> and the west.[3]<\/a><\/sup> Chinese who remained assimilated with the native population by wearing longyi<\/a>, using Burmese names and identifying with the Shan people<\/a>. They lived quiet lives and avoided any involvement in politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As diplomatic relations between Burma and China failed, embassies were directed by Charg\u00e9 d’affaires. This arrangement continued until 1970. Between 1967 and 1969, the value of trade between Burma and China decreased by ninety-three percent. Burmese Communist Party insurgents were openly supported with weapons and training from China.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Strategic Analysis \u2014 MMNN History rarely announces itself before it repeats. Yet in Myanmar today, the conditions that triggered one of Southeast Asia’s most consequential geopolitical crises \u2014 the 1967 anti-Chinese riots and China’s subsequent military intervention through the Communist Party of Burma \u2014 are quietly reassembling themselves, with modern actors, modern weapons, and far […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":5449,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20,7,6,133,1,11,10,16,123,62],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5463","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-anti-racism","category-articles","category-history","category-human-rights-constitution-federal-democracy-social-nets-minority-rights","category-local-news","category-myanmar-muslims-history","category-news","category-opinion","category-story","category-thidagu-sitagu-sayadaw-wirathu"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5463","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=5463"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5463\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5469,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/5463\/revisions\/5469"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/5449"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=5463"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=5463"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/myanmarmuslim.news\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=5463"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}