DARZKKG
The roots of General Ne Win’s Islamophobia have long been debated. Historians usually point to colonial-era anti-Indian sentiment, the 1978 Operation Nagamin, or the 1982 Citizenship Law.
But rarely discussed—because it was never made public—is the internal, top-secret demographic report produced under the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) around 1972. Combined with several personal incidents inside his family and inner circle, this report helped transform Ne Win’s private insecurities into national policy.
This article reconstructs those connections through credible testimonies from retired civil servants, military insiders, and the lived experiences of families who were close to the Ne Win household.
The 1972 BSPP “30-Copy” Demographic Report
Around 1972, Ne Win ordered a highly restricted study on the ethnic and religious composition of Burma. It was printed in only about 30 copies, each numbered and marked “Top Secret.” One of the few who saw it was a senior professional officer from the Ministry of Finance—a man known for integrity and accuracy, who shared his findings with his relatives decades later.
The report’s conclusions were explosive:
1. Muslim population vastly undercounted
Official statistics claimed Muslims were 3–4%.
The secret estimate placed the figure at around 12%.
2. Demographic projection of rapid Muslim growth
The report projected that, if fertility and migration trends continued,
Muslims might reach 25–30% of Burma’s population within 30 years.
3. Border migration concerns
It cited movement across the Burma–East Pakistan/Bangladesh frontier,
which BSPP intelligence interpreted—rightly or wrongly—as a strategic threat.
4. Economic presence in towns
It noted the strong role of Muslims in trade and urban finance.
To an increasingly paranoid Ne Win, this report did not remain a quiet analysis. It became a justification—almost a prophecy—for systematic political action.
Personal Incidents That Deepened His Suspicion
Official documents alone do not explain the intensity of Ne Win’s anti-Muslim policies.
The dictator’s private life, filled with emotional insease and obsession with control, played an equal role.
A woman he cared for choosing a Muslim
Early in life, someone he liked to marry—Miss May Nan Nwe—married a very rich Muslim military contractor from Meiktila U Soe Kha @ Mr Shaffie or Shaufi.
This was cited by several contemporaries as an early source of bitterness.
His daughter’s relationship with a Muslim orthopaedic surgeon
His daughter’s final exam of 2nd. M.B.,B.S. Senior, in Institute of Medicine 1 Rangoon/Yangon, Anatomy Distinction was denied or snubbed by a Myanmar Muslim Ph. D doctor. The result marks was rebutted and given back the distinction by the Moderation board of examiners.
As a father and a man with a reputation for jealousy and vendetta, Ne Win took this as a personal insult by Myanmar Muslims.
His favourite wife, Daw Khin May Than
Her first husband was widely believed to be a Muslim doctor.
Although Ne Win adored her, this fact reportedly remained a quiet irritation.
The Ohn Kyaw Myint assassination plot (1976–77)
A Muslim army officer, Captain Ohn Kyaw Myint, was involved in a conspiracy to kill Ne Win.
After the plot was uncovered, Ne Win’s suspicion turned into policy:
his government began the silent removal of Muslims from military academies,
civil service pipelines, and sensitive positions.
The Pilot Who Loved Him—and Unintentionally Alarmed Him
One of the most humanising but revealing episodes involves Captain Khin Maung Latt, a talented Muslim pilot who trained in the UK and served as Ne Win’s personal pilot.
Captain Khin Maung Latt later married into a respected Muslim family; he was the brother-in-law of a Burmese medical doctor now living in Malaysia. The pilot was known to be loyal, professional, and close to the Ne Win household. People trusted him; Ne Win trusted him.
One night, however, while drunk, he joked to friends:
“If Ne Win carries his gold to Switzerland, I will take my family, push him out of the plane, and escape.”
It was clearly a drunken remark—not a threat—spoken among friends.
But when Ne Win heard of it, it shook him deeply.
To his credit, Ne Win did not punish Captain Khin Maung Latt.
He quietly removed him from service and allowed him to leave the country safely.
The pilot later worked in Singapore, moved to Malaysia, performed Hajj,
and became a respected, devout Muslim.
Yet for Ne Win, the damage was done.
For a man already convinced by the 1972 report that Muslims posed a “demographic danger,” even this affectionate personal relationship ended in mistrust.
Everything Converges: Islamophobia Becomes State Policy
By the mid-1970s, several threads came together:
- decades of Burman-Buddhist ethno-nationalism,
- personal humiliation tied to Muslim men,
- attempted coup by a Muslim officer,
- the secret demographic report forecasting a Muslim population boom,
- fear of Bangladesh arming Rohingya (as its Prime Minister warned in 1978),
- and his growing isolation and emotional fragility.
These culminated in:
• Operation Nagamin (King Dragon) in 1978
The first major mass expulsion of Rohingya civilians.
• The 1982 Citizenship Law
Systematically excluding Rohingya and tightening scrutiny on all Muslims.
• Silent but deliberate removal of Muslims from the armed forces and civil service.
What began as private fears and insecurities became national ideology—and eventually, a legacy of discrimination that continues long after Ne Win’s death.
Conclusion
General Ne Win’s Islamophobia was not the result of a single ideological doctrine.
It was a fusion of state intelligence, political paranoia, and personal insecurity.
The secret BSPP demographic report of 1972 provided the intellectual excuse.
His family experiences and inner-circle dramas supplied the emotional justification.
And the military environment completed the circle of mistrust.
For Myanmar, the tragedy was that one man’s private fears became the basis for decades of public suffering—affecting millions of innocent Muslim citizens who had contributed to the country for generations.
